The original Russian version can be found here
Questions to the National Bolsheviks: Answers-2022
Any significant political association raises a lot of questions, rumors and comments addressed to it. At the end of August 2012, we decided to collect 100 questions related to the activities of the National Bolsheviks movement and give an answer to them. In order for the questions to be sharp and topical, we asked Vkontakte users to ask them. Questions were received and answers given. Ten years later, in March 2022, we released an updated version of the answers to the questions, adapted to the existing reality.
1. How the National Bolsheviks relate to the Donbass war
It was a Russian national uprising that was merged by the Putin government. Not only the citizens of Russia, who hoped for the return of Russian territories, were deceived, but also the residents of Novorossia, which has been in limbo since 2014.
2. What is your attitude towards the military operation of the Russian armed forces in Ukraine in 2022. The
war with Ukraine, pumped up with weapons and anti-Russian propaganda, was inevitable. In this war, we are on the side of the Russian army, on the side of the Russian soldier. Since 2014, Eduard Limonov has been calling for military intervention on the territory of Ukraine – then the weak post-Maidan statehood was easy to bring under control, and the Armed Forces of Ukraine would not have put up serious resistance. The authorities did not listen to people like us, wasted time, so now the military operation is more complex and bloody.
Ukraine under the rule of Ukrainian nationalism will always be a threat to our country, it will be “Anti-Russia”. The threat must be eliminated, the transformation of tens of millions of Russian speakers into sworn enemies of Russia must be stopped. The ultimate goal of the war should be the annexation of the lands of Ukraine (all or part) to Russia.
3. What did the National Bolsheviks do to support the Russian people in the Donbass?
The forces of the National Bolsheviks gathered gum. assistance, material assistance to the families of those killed or wounded in combat operations. Volunteers were also sent to defend New Russia. Through the movement of the Interbrigade, created by the Party, in 2014-15. more than 1.5 thousand people from Russia and foreign countries went to war against the Kiev regime.
4. Putin annexed Crimea in 2014, which you have been talking about for many years. What are you dissatisfied with?
All the rest and the fact that the Russian regions of Ukraine did not go after the Crimea. Extradition of veterans of Donbass to foreign states, including Ukraine. Inaction in the Baltic and South Siberian directions.
5. Why did the Limonovites part ways with Zakhar Prilepin?
Zakhar Prilepin has been a National Bolshevik since 1996. At one time, the party respected him. But as Prilepin’s literary authority grew, he increasingly moved away from the National Bolshevik movement, moving to pro-government, protective positions. In 2019, he joined Putin’s ONF, which was incompatible with membership in the Other Russia party. In the future, Prilepin merged more and more with the state apparatus, continuing his degradation.
The National Bolsheviks are a patriotic and socialist opposition, and Prilepin’s projects of recent years are base, deceitful, commercial loyalism.
6. What types of membership exist in the party “The Other Russia of Eduard Limonov”?
Membership in the “Other Russia to Eduard Limonov” is determined by the actions of a person. After formally joining the party, everyone is free to determine the degree and form of their participation in the organization – from helping political prisoners and attending sanctioned rallies to direct action. Based on the degree of participation of a party member in the activities of the organization, his authority and position in the party are formed.
We need people with a wide range of skills: lawyers, programmers, designers, publicists, economists, photographers, video editors, drivers, military men, athletes and representatives of extreme professions with a taste for risk. First of all, we need capable organizers, political officers. We need strong hands, a bright head, an iron will (preferably all at once).
7. How does the modern party of Limonov feel about the Old National Bolsheviks?
The National Bolshevik is the National Bolshevik, old or new, it doesn’t matter. “Old age” is a relative concept.
8. Who can be considered the main ideologist of National Bolshevism in Russia?
Nikolai Ustryalov (1890-1937) should be considered the main ideologist of National Bolshevism in Russia.
9. What do you think about the state of the Russian economy?
Russia of the last decade has been in a state of economic stagnation. The growth rates of Russian GDP are lower than the global ones, but the indicators of social stratification between the “tops” and “bottoms” are high. Experiments to create a market economy on the ruins of the USSR led to the formation of a clan society. Our country is CJSC “RF” – a closed joint stock company with a narrow circle of beneficiaries, who mainly decide the issues of their financial well-being. Oligarchic capitalism with feudal elements has been established in Russia, where the overwhelming majority of the population has been thrown to the sidelines of life.
Large property is in the hands of a narrow stratum of the “elite” – businessmen who enriched themselves during illegal privatization in the 90s, or people from Vladimir Putin’s entourage, or government officials who, in fact, work not for the sake of the country, but for the sake of their own wallet. A small group of people have access to the levers of economic management, allowing only friends and relatives to “feed”
10. What economic changes in the country would the Party implement in the first place?
The state should be engaged in a new industrialization – the transformation of Russia into a country with a highly developed industry.
Priority should be given to both those areas that are called “industry 4.0” – big data, alternative energy, artificial intelligence, and traditional industries – mechanical engineering, instrumentation, agriculture. Contrary to the supporters of the free market, who believe in the saving power of competition, capitalism destroys market relations, leading to centralization and monopolization. Large transnational corporations operate on a planned basis. In the modern world, there is not a confrontation (and cooperation) between the market and the plan, but a fork between two versions of the planned economy – the corporative plan (corporate plan) and the state plan (state plan).
11. How do you feel about private property?
Within the current level of human development, we respect private property as a fact of personal and social life.
On the other hand, the National Bolsheviks intend to review the results of privatization and carry out a phased nationalization of the entire mining sector, strategically important large industrial enterprises, transport, construction, and communications. Effective business owners, in the absence of an obvious criminal trail, will be able to become hired top managers subordinate to the people, that is, continue to manage their companies. However, incomes exceeding average salaries by tens of thousands of times will have to be parted.
At the same time, it should be noted that we welcome social experiments to abolish private property, aimed at overcoming capitalism. Those who wish to build communism “here and now” will have the opportunity to implement their plans in a certain territory, but not to the detriment of the interests of Russia and its other citizens who are not ready for such experiments.
12. What will happen to small businesses?
Private businessmen tend to maximize profits while minimizing costs, which creates dangerous social contradictions. In order to resolve them, it is necessary to revive collective property in enterprises, which will coexist with state and private ones. In the history of our country, such property was realized as artels and cooperatives. Collective enterprises are owned by the workers themselves, whose power is based on the principle of “one person, one vote”. In cooperatives, the employee is not alienated from the results of his work, he chooses the management of the company from among his colleagues, and also participates in the distribution of profits. Collective enterprises make it possible to get rid of the appropriation of the results of the work of workers by the entrepreneur. The state will support the formation of collective enterprises – allocate them subsidies, provide preferential tax regimes. Comprehensive encouragement will be provided to production cooperatives that respond more flexibly to the needs of the population in the service sector and the production of consumer goods. They will help to avoid excessive unification and overregulation, characteristic of the Soviet economy.
Small and medium-sized businesses will be present in the country, but it is advisable to transform small businesses into cooperatives as much as possible. Modern small business in the Russian Federation is often characterized by increased exploitation of employees, ignoring the norms of the Labor Code, a bias in the use of the labor of workers without formalizing employment contracts. We will overcome this situation. Let’s make the policy of distributing profits among employees profitable for small businesses (not only profits are distributed, but also risks, the participation of staff in the fate of the company increases).
13. What would you do with those who support Ukraine in the conflict with Russia?
Supporters of Ukraine are of different persuasions. Among them are honest “pacifists” and pro-Western public and political figures who want Russia’s military defeat. We stand for freedom of assembly, so the Ukrainian public has the right to assemble peacefully and without weapons, to hold their actions. We do not support the cleansing of street politics, even if the views of the protesters are unpleasant to us. Another thing is that the agents of influence of the West are on a salary, so we do not sympathize with them at all.
14. Should China be Russia’s ally in the economic struggle with the West?
China is a tactical ally of Russia at a short distance, similar to what the UK was an ally of the USSR. After defeating a common enemy, relations deteriorate
15. Is modern China and the CPC line an example for Russia in terms of state building development?
Demonstrations of China’s success in terms of interaction between the private and public sectors of the economy, where private initiative is complemented by national interest, is undoubtedly interesting to study. But it is also necessary to take into account the specifics of the geopolitical position of the two countries, blind copying will not lead to anything.
16. Don’t you think that after the death of Limonov, the party should have dispersed, since before that it was mostly a club of fans?
No, it should not, just as the Roman Empire should not have disintegrated after the death of Otkavian Augustus or the USSR after the death of Lenin. Indeed, in both cases, the countries were a kind of clubs of fans of their leaders.
17. What are the main differences with the communists?
Communists are different, so it is difficult to answer this question in a nutshell. In general, the main problem of most communists is dogmatism and sectarianism. Communists, having in their hands the works of the 19th century (Marx, Engels), are trying to explain the processes taking place in the 21st century. Meanwhile, the world is changeable, and Marxism alone can no longer describe the fullness of social processes.
18. What economic policy do you consider the most acceptable for Russia?
We stand for the creation in Russia of a progressive socialist economy. Large enterprises will be nationalized, while small and medium businesses will remain in private hands. It is necessary to strive to achieve the economic autarky (self-sufficiency) of Russia. Only if the Russian economy is self-sufficient is it possible to actively enter world markets.
In foreign economic relations, we intend to start trading in rubles rather than dollars. This step will contribute to the elimination of the world hegemony of the American currency, to stop the humiliating dependence of the Russian economy on the globalist masters.
The economic system of Russia should be focused not on banking speculation, but on a person of labor engaged in the real production of goods and services. We intend to give free development to the trade union movement, which will defend the rights of workers before employers. The other Russia is the Russia of labor.
19. Do you support President Vladimir Putin or are you in opposition to him?
We are the opposition to the oligarchic elites that have been ruling in Russia since the early 90s. Putin is a kind of centaur, combining militarism with a commitment to the values of his boss, Anatoly Sobchak. Attacking Putin personally for any reason is the style of the liberals, not the National Bolsheviks. Of course, Vladimir Putin is a representative of the same elite and the same classes that sell and betray our people. However, the problem is not only him. It is necessary to change not the frontman, but the entire Russian elite.
20. Why do the National Bolsheviks use the slogan “Stalin! Beria! GULAG!”, but at the same time stand for political freedoms? Isn’t that crazy?
The National Bolsheviks stand for a state that is as tough as possible on the outside, in protecting national interests, and soft on the inside – in relation to its own citizens. The slogan “Stalin! Beria! Gulag!” was used by the National Bolsheviks for a rally slogan in the 90s to annoy the ruling liberal circles. Since 2001, since the arrest of Limonov, this slogan has not been used by party members. For over twenty years now. The current National Bolsheviks are for political freedoms, against repression against modern dissidents.
21. How can one be against the authorities, but at the same time support the military adventures of the Kremlin?
We do not support the military adventures of the Kremlin. We want them to stop being adventures and become a consistent imperial policy. When a liberal is sad that Crimea is Russian, the National Bolsheviks are sad because the Russian flag is not yet over Kyiv.
22. What are the differences with the right, and are there any?
“Right” is a very vague term, as is “left”. Under the right one can be understood both football hooligans, and intellectual national democrats, and Orthodox banner-bearers, and yard guys in scarves with the imperial flag.
We welcome healthy tendencies in both the “right” and “left” camps. National Bolsheviks, within the framework of their ideology, combine adequate right-wing ideas (national justice) and left-wing ideas (social justice), while rejecting the stupidity, phobias and excesses inherent in these ideologies.
23. Is it possible to consider yourself a Russian National Bolshevik being in exile voluntary, but wholeheartedly supporting the ideas of National Bolshevism?
Think of yourself as anyone, if that makes it easier for you. We are against emigration without serious reasons (threat to life, threat of imprisonment), a person must remain faithful to his Motherland and share both victories and hardships with her.
24. How will the party function after the departure of the permanent leader?
Until the emergence of a new leader who can lead the movement, it will be managed collectively by the forces of the political council. The party has been operating this way since 2016. At the moment, the Party is led by the political council, as well as three coordinators – Mikhail Aksel (Moscow), Andrey Dmitriev (St. Petersburg) and Yuri Staroverov (Nizhny Novgorod).
25. How would the National Bolsheviks, the name of state power in their hands, solve the problems associated with the coronovirus infection?
Closing borders, mandatory vaccination and, if possible, temporarily relocating everyone to the countryside and summer cottages, those who do not have houses. The failure of vaccination is a direct consequence of the weakness of the administrative apparatus, which, instead of tough but necessary measures in a crisis, proposed some kind of vague practice – to transfer everything to the discretion of the governors. Because of this, anti-COVID measures were not implemented at all in the regions.
26. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the current policy of the Russian government in terms of combating the epidemic?
It is ineffective and only angers people with half measures. There is no compulsory vaccination, but there are QR codes. They are fined for masks and gloves, but major political events of the authorities are held and everyone is without masks.
27. What is your attitude towards covid dissidents?
Rather negative. We do not deny the danger of coronavirus and the fact that vaccines reduce mortality from COVID-19. However, we criticize the social and economic measures of the authorities during the pandemic, trying not to delve into the stupid contestation of medical facts.
28. Is it possible for the NB to cooperate with the “leftists” in Europe, who perceive nationalism extremely negatively and in every possible way consider themselves tolerant and multicultural?
In modern Europe, which is considered by many to be an island of common sense, in fact there are no less cockroaches in the head than in Russia. If you are on the left, then automatically a supporter of tolerance, migrants and gay parades, and if you are right, then you are a defender of capitalism, the church, and dull conservatism. In such a coordinate system there is no place for NB.
Nevertheless, even in Europe there are sound leftists (albeit few in number) who are free from dogmatism. We are ready to work with them, as well as with adequate European “rightists” – those who are anti-American, stand for the rapprochement of European countries with Russia and a multipolar world.
29. At the beginning of the NB movement there was a powerful cultural layer in the form of poets, musicians, artists (Letov, Nepomniachtchi, Kuryokhin, etc.). Concerts, gatherings, Russian breakthrough. At times it seemed that the National Bolsheviks were not a political party, but some kind of underground party of radical intelligentsia. Do you want to try again? For the “Other Russia of Limonov” is perceived only as a political party …
Probably, someone is saddened by the fact that the current party of the National Bolsheviks has a much smaller field of attraction for cultural figures than at one time a bunch of Limonov, Dugin, Letov, Kuryokhin. But you can’t enter the same water twice, what was, was. Then, in the 90s, the National Bolshevik community really was more of a cultural project that existed in the mild conditions of the Yeltsin mess, when songs like “Kill the Bourgeois” from the rostrum of a rally were not even threatened with police detention.
Times have changed a long time ago, the 90s are over – it has become dangerous to be a National Bolshevik, and indeed a political radical in general, so many figures of the cultural front, accustomed to comfort, were blown away like the wind. In part, the absence of representatives of non-conformist culture next to the National Bolsheviks is a problem of cultural figures who have become smaller, too, whose real ceiling is to support the toothless bourgeois “white ribbons”.
On the other hand, after the death of Eduard Limonov in March 2020, Limonov Readings are held throughout the country – this is a noticeable countercultural platform for creators of the kind we need.
30. Do you have a clear and well-thought-out plan for coming to power and a further program of action that is adequate to the current state of affairs in Russia?
The political and social situation in Russia is so changeable that it is simply impossible to draw up a detailed plan for coming to power at the moment. As history shows, no one has been able to draw up and implement such a plan. It is an illusion that people like Lenin or Mao (for example) had a clear scenario for taking power. They just kept their finger on the pulse and were at the right time in the right place.
We have program guidelines that we follow, and we also have tactical goals. A program of action after coming to power is also available.
31. What was the reason for the creation of a new, already third organization – “The Other Russia E.V. Limonov”?
With the fact that in 2020, after the Chelyabinsk case, there was a real threat of recognizing the party as extremist and depriving its leadership of the right to create political organizations for a very long time.
32. What caused the choice of new symbols?
The creation of a new organization, as well as the need to preserve recognizable features.
33. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the new war in Nagorno-Karabakh?
The war near our borders, which strengthened Turkey’s position in the region, which also showed the fragility of Russia’s international position. It is not a priority area as long as there is Donbass, although we acted on the side of Nagorno-Karabakh – we sent military correspondents there. The National Bolshevik Party was the only party in the Russian Federation that supported the Armenian side in repelling the Turkish aggression.
34. How do you feel about nationalism? and why NATIONAL Bolshevism?
The National Bolsheviks themselves are modern Russian nationalists. However, we do not define Russians by blood. A Russian is one who considers the Russian language and Russian culture his own, the history of Russia – his history, who has proved by his deeds his devotion to the Russian nation and does not think of any other Motherland and nation.
We are close not to narrow ethnic nationalism (and such accompanying concepts as chauvinism, racism, xenophobia), but to such ideological constructions as imperial nationalism, civic nationalism, and cultural nationalism.
In advance of the criticism of extreme nationalists who stand up for the purity of blood, we answer that
35. What is the attitude to labor migration?
Labor migration should be controlled by society. It is necessary to introduce migration quotas for professions that determine which migrant workers are needed and which are not. It is clear that Russia needs qualified engineers, scientists, doctors, but visiting builders, loaders, taxi drivers are not needed – and there will be enough of their own men if they are provided with normal working conditions.
National Bolsheviks against illegal immigration. We see its cause, first of all, in oligarchic capitalism itself, where business owners are more inclined to hire embittered semi-slaves from abroad for pennies than natives. Measures of state regulation are needed to counteract these processes.
36. Many National Bolsheviks cite fascism. Are there similarities between National Bolshevism and Fascism?
If we understand fascism as the dictatorship of corporations in one bottle with the suppression of dissent and totalitarian violence, then the National Bolsheviks not only do not quote fascism, but are its worst opponents.
On the other hand, in early Italian fascism, which was more rebellious, proletarian and futuristic, there is much that the National Bolsheviks like – the cult of the superman, the education of courage, anti-dogmatism, a bright offensive culture. Gabriele D’Annunzio and Filippo Marinetti are our people.
37. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the creation of national schools? Migrants are screwed…
The introduction of national schools is possible on a limited scale, but the division of the entire education system along ethnic lines is dangerous, since it will contribute to the disunity of the peoples of Russia, instead of their unification within the framework of Russian civilization. We see the solution to the problem of migrants in schools from a different angle: limiting legal immigration and combating illegal immigration will automatically reduce the number of migrants, so the severity of the problem will decrease even without the creation of national schools.
38. How do you feel about the current education system?
The current education system does not suit us, but what is replacing it (fee-based education) is even worse.
We intend to reform the education system in the following way:
– Preserve free general education, ensure access to education for all citizens of Russia. Every student should be able to study any subject without any fee.
– Radically raise the prestige of school teachers. The school should teach successful people who should become an example to students. To increase the proportion of male teachers who are able to teach male education to young men.
– Revise the primary education system. The ten most active years of life spent at the school desk is too much. Education should be faster, and more close to real life. In addition to scientific knowledge, it is necessary to teach survival, behavior on the street, convey ethical and aesthetic standards, instill a taste for self-development and personal growth.
– As part of school education, real military sports training should be carried out, which allows educating the basic skills of military affairs without further compulsory service in the army.
39. Are rising Turkish ambitions a threat to Russia?
Are. Not only by increasing tensions in the border areas, but also by their fueled separatist sentiments among the Turkic peoples of Russia. The recent “Great Turan” project openly lays claim to Russian lands.
40. How should the future Other Russia react to military actions right next to the country’s borders, similar to what happened in Karabakh?
Direct intervention with the support of forces loyal to Russia.
41. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the growing nationalist sentiment in neighboring republics?
This is one of the main threats to the peaceful Russian population, as it can lead to a new wave of anti-Russian pogroms, which we observed in the 90s of the last century.
42. How do the National Bolsheviks treat anarchists?
The attitude towards anarchists is ambiguous. Usually, these are funny and honest guys, but with a mess in their heads. An anarchist society is too naive a utopia to be realized in the coming centuries. Contrary to the opinion of leftists, people are not inherently equal. You can talk about the need for equality of opportunity, but there is no equality of ability. In any “powerless” and “autonomous” society, leaders, leaders, and authorities will quickly appear anyway. The same Makhno, although he called himself an anarchist, was in fact the Fuhrer of his detachment.
43. Are religion (religious beliefs) and sexual orientation important for the National Bolsheviks? Or the main thing is the struggle with the system?
Party “Other Russia” E.V. Limonova” is open to people with any religious beliefs. With regard to sexual orientation, we do not look into everyone’s bed, leaving such questions to the personal discretion of everyone. However, there are no gays in the ranks of the National Bolsheviks.
As for the evaluation of the activities of other movements, one must understand that completely different social forces, both close and alien to us, can be based on a religious basis. But only fools and provocateurs can make political capital by holding gay pride parades and other senseless LGBT antics. Those who try to create a fuss about sexual deviations are unacceptable people for us, both in their own and in the ranks of others.
44. Caucasian question?The Caucasus is a powder bomb capable of blowing up Russia. The solution of the Caucasian issue requires balance, accuracy, excess emotions are harmful here. “Another Russia by E.V. Limonova” intends to pursue a policy in the Caucasus based on the following theses:- The republics of the North Caucasus, which are part of Russia, are an integral part of it. Muslim peoples and Islam is also our country. Any attempts to separate the Caucasus, no matter who makes them, is a blow to the country, to the interests of the Russian nation and other peoples of Russia;- Recognizing the right of Caucasians to live by their own rules on their own land, we recognize the right of Russians to live in their own way on Russian territories. Ethnic crime will be suppressed. Anyone who, being a guest, does not honor the rights of the hosts, will be expelled, even though he is a citizen of Russia;- Wahhabi (Salafi) Islam, seeking to tear away the Caucasus, is dangerous for Russia. In the Caucasian republics, it should be opposed to moderate traditional Islam;- The political elites, on which Putin’s power in the North Caucasian republics relies, are deeply corrupt, in some places they are simply criminal. It is necessary to change this elite, the appearance of morally pure people in power in the Caucasus, patriots of Russia and their own people. These measures will undermine the social base of the Wahhabis, who are also fighting against luxury and the cult of consumption
.45. The attitude of the National Bolsheviks to drugs (alcohol, tobacco and hard drugs). Is there rejection on a dogmatic level, like the National Socialists?
We welcome supporters of a healthy lifestyle, among the National Bolsheviks there are many who refuse alcohol, tobacco in their lives, go in for sports. Self-development is an important building block of our ideology. However, flexibility is required in these matters, so we do not copy subcultures that are fashionable in certain circles and do not label ourselves (sXe, healthy lifestyle), we do not go to extremes. An energetic intellectual with an active lifestyle, keeping himself in a normal physical shape, but allowing alcohol and nicotine to a moderate degree is preferable to stamped “activists” under the slogans “Whoever drinks is not a Russian”, who instead of brains have only a horizontal bar, a yard party and Abibas sportswear.
46. Maybe we should leave the “imperial ambitions” and let the nearest countries develop on their own?
They can be allowed to develop independently, as long as it does not interfere with the geopolitical interests of Other Russia.
47. How do you feel about the slogans of some nationalists: “Stop feeding the Caucasus”?
We believe that the separation of the Caucasus is impossible, but at the same time, infusion into this region should bring certain benefits, both economic and political.48. How does the proposed economic model of the National Bolsheviks differ from what was in the USSR, war communism again? No one has ever said that everyone will have three pens and two notebooks equally, but it is necessary to ensure relative equality of the population, create conditions for a normal life and self-development.
49. Attitude of NB to war?
From a philosophical point of view war is a natural state of society, the same as the world, not in vain in ancient mythology, the goddess of love Harmony was the daughter of the god of war Ares and the goddess of love Aphrodite. War ennobles people, awakens strong qualities in them, reveals the essence of people and things. The National Bolsheviks have always respected real warriors and have never been pacifists. On the other hand, we are engaged in politics, not abstract philosophy. Obviously, for Russia, as a power that has endured the horrors of the Great Patriotic War and possesses nuclear weapons, war propaganda and militaristic frenzy are sometimes too risky and ungrateful toy. In the 21st century, there are other tools of geopolitical struggle, such as economic, informational, cultural influence, although sometimes the great Russian soldier has to resolve political contradictions in the old fashioned way.
50. What should the National Bolsheviks do in the regions?
Develop party structure. Keep a finger on the pulse – intervene in regional conflicts between citizens and the authorities. At the same time, one must remember that the main political events take place in Moscow, so one must be mobile, ready to travel to the capital if necessary.
51. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the separation of the North Caucasian republics from Russia?
Negative. The separation of the Caucasus from Russia will lead to chaos in this region, where radical Islamists will play the first fiddle, which will most likely be accompanied by international intervention. Do you want the Taliban or NATO to be in power in Nalchik or Makhachkala? We are not.
Ethnically “pure” Russia within the Voronezh and Vologda regions is not the ideal of the National Bolsheviks. To glorify such a castrated Russia (albeit one hundred percent “white” and “European”) with destroyed economic and social ties, surrounded by a territory of lawlessness, is not nationalism, but rubbish.
52. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the secession of Siberia? And to the “Siberian Bolshevik Party”?
We consider separatism a destructive trend. Those who work for the collapse of Russia (not Putin’s, but in general), we are not friends, but enemies. With regard to the “Siberian issue”, we propose to increase the significance of this region by moving the capital to one of the Siberian cities (for example, Omsk), or by building a new capital in Siberia. This will “unload” Moscow and create a second pole of political, economic, cultural and social attraction.
We do not know what the “Siberian Bolshevik Party” is. Probably some local organization of little importance.
53. How do you feel about the Communist Party?
We respect ordinary members of the Communist Party. In the general mass, these are worthy people, in many ways ideologically close to us in their synthesis of socialist and patriotic ideas. With the rank and file members of the Communist Party, we stood and will stand together.
However, we note that the leaders of the Communist Party inherited the worst features of their predecessor – the CPSU. Careerism, cowardice, bureaucracy, narrow-mindedness have become the norm for these party bosses, clinging to deputy seats. Personally, Zyuganov betrayed the left-patriotic idea many times, performing small and large services for the Kremlin.
54. I have my own barbershop, will you dispossess me too?
Small businesses, service businesses, can remain in private hands. We are striving not for the complete nationalization of the economy, but for the elimination of a narrow oligarchic class that parasitizes not the body of the people, profiting, for the most part, from resources that do not belong to them.
55. What requirements do you need to meet to become a National Bolshevik?
Inner confidence in the correctness of the party and its ideals. Don’t pee. Be loyal to your comrades.
56. When will there be a revolution?
When the necessary situation in society develops. 80% of the success of a revolution is the situation. (There is also a troll version of “Next Wednesday, don’t be late. If it’s Wednesday and there’s no revolution, read it again”)
57. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the Pussy Riot case and similar attacks on the church?
The hype around Pussy Riot overshadowed almost all other news for several months. Russian and world media, as well as VIPs, enthusiastically promoted punks, forgetting about hundreds of other political prisoners. Meanwhile, the Pusechek case has split both society and the opposition along religious lines, diverting criticism from the policies of the Kremlin regime.
It’s hard for us to evaluate the Pussy Riot case. On the one hand, the National Bolsheviks have always been opposed to political repression and demanded the release of political prisoners. The course of the trial of the girls and the position of the top of the Russian Orthodox Church, which did not show Christian mercy, causes our rejection and irritation.
On the other hand, the action of Pussy Riot in the temple is not appropriate in conservative patriarchal Russia, and therefore is offensive to millions of Russians. Disgusting and vile anti-religious campaign launched later by the supporters of the punks. National Bolsheviks respect the feelings of believers and do not arrange their actions in churches.
58. Can minors join your organization?
Formally, according to the law, a party can be a member from the age of 18. However, no one prevents adequate and mature young people who have not reached this age from participating in our movement.
59. Is the essence of nationalism of the National Bolsheviks lies in the preservation of the Russian ethnos, or in its mixing with other nations of the CIS countries, like the Eurasians?
The essence of our nationalism, of course, lies in the preservation of the Russian ethnos, but we do not go in cycles in observing the “purity of blood”. The cultural and civilizational unification of peoples around the Russian nation is our goal. “Great Russia rallied forever the indestructible union of free republics” is an excellent formula for interethnic relations, if you think about every word and discard the clichés.
60. Are the National Bolsheviks interested in protecting the rights of the Russian-speaking population outside the Russian Federation?
Yes, they are interested. For example, the leader of the Latvian National Bolsheviks, Vladimir Abel, is to this day one of the main defenders of the rights of the Russian-speaking population in Latvia. It was he who initiated the referendum on the state status of the Russian language. Recently, Abel managed to register the party “For Mother Tongue” in Latvia.
On the other hand, the National Bolsheviks in Russia actually operate underground, under the yoke of a police state, so we simply do not have the opportunity to conduct a full-fledged policy outside of Russia. And this is also the fault of the current government, which could use the “Limonovites” in the foreign policy circuit?
61. In fact, specifically, what is National Bolshevism?
In short and simplified, National Bolshevism is a synthesis of social and national ideology, it is the desire to achieve social justice in society, based on the interests of the nation
62. What is the difference between National Socialism and National Bolshevism? Isn’t the first a consequence of the second? It is clear that fascism and national socialism are different things, nevertheless, don’t you think that the people are more drawn to the “browns” than to the “reds”? Thank you.
The main differences between National Bolshevism and National Socialism (in the Hitler version) are as follows:
– The NB, unlike the National Assembly, are not racists. Belonging to the NB nation will be determined by the culture and actions of a person, and not by the principle of blood.
– NB are guided by the interests of the Russian nation, and not the abstract “White Europe”. Talk about the greatness of the Aryans, opposing the “Eurasian essence of Russia” is bad nonsense.
– NB pays more attention to the social problems of society than the National Assembly. Socialism for NB is a reality, not a formality.
– The NB honors the national heroes under the red flag who fought the Germans during the Great Patriotic War, and not the Vlasovites, Krasnov’s Cossacks and other Nazi underdogs.
As for the “browns” and “reds”, it is a very controversial question to whom the people are more drawn to. Young people tend to be more nationalistic, but the middle and older generations, especially in the regions, are more concerned about social problems, that is, the more left-wing ones shy away from open nationalism. It is better to say that Russia is a “red-brown” country, but certainly not a liberal one.
63. Your movement is for the rights of 14 year olds. Why is this needed?
We live in a world of old people who want to protect themselves from the energy of youth. Old people deprive the young of their rights, artificially dragging out childhood. Today’s teenagers mature earlier than their peers of previous generations. From childhood, they get used to assimilating a huge amount of information, early on they receive developed ideas about life, so they can quickly become full-fledged members of society.
At the same time, teenagers have no influence on the fate of the country. The state and society seek to destroy youth and prolong childhood to a ripe old age. They are afraid of the radicalism of the younger generation. They don’t need young passionaries who dream of changing the world.
64. How do the National Bolsheviks relate to religion in general, and to Rodnovery in particular?
Our movement is emphatically non-religious. We respect the freedom of religion of every person, just as we respect the atheist position. The attitude towards Rodnovery is calm, among the National Bolsheviks there are Rodnovers too.
65. Is cultural traditionalism included in the NB ideology?
We respect the cultures of different peoples, therefore we oppose cosmopolitanism, which seeks to make all the people of the world the same. At the same time, one must understand that culture must develop, not stand still. If we understand by “cultural traditionalism” a primitive copying of the customs of the past or the century before last, then this is clearly not our way.
66. Previously, direct actions of the National Bolsheviks (the Sevastopol action, the seizure of the Ministry of Health, etc.) thundered throughout the country. Why not now?
Because the state has liquidated the institute of independent mass media. Consequently, now they are not covered, and the result of such actions is only new cases, without the necessary media and public outcry.
67. Was Yegor Letov a National Bolshevik? Why did he leave the movement?
He was, he did not hand over his party card.
68. Who are your allies at the moment?
All real-life political forces in Russia, which are opposed, on the one hand, and patriotic, on the other hand, support Crimea as part of Russia, the DPR and the LPR.
69. Can National Bolshevism be considered a new branch of communism?
Historically, National Bolshevism adapted the communist utopia to the reality of the nation-state. Today, too, the National Bolsheviks are aligning all sorts of “-isms” (and communism too) to the standard of real life, so we can say that National Bolshevism is “common sense communism”, without clinics and chizuha.
70. Does the slogan “With a bayonet to the West!” Remain relevant?
We critically evaluate the policy of the United States of America, which has assumed the role of the world policeman. If it’s “anti-Americanism,” then call it that. At the same time, one must understand that until healthy nationally minded forces come to power in Russia itself, it is stupid to grin at the United States or try to bring down your anger on it with rallies near the American embassy. As long as the National Bolsheviks have no influence on state power, it remains only to watch the Kremlin fight the West, half-heartedly, inconsistently
71. What methods of combating illegal migration from the CIS countries do you propose?
The methods of combating illegal migration from the CIS countries, which we offer, are quite standard and fully fit into the mainstream of the European migration policy, which is successfully operating in practice in a number of states. These are the introduction of a visa regime with Central Asian countries, the introduction of migration quotas, large fines for employers for using illegal labor, and increased control over migrants by the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
72. Why did the National Bolsheviks prepare a coup in Kazakhstan in 2001? Why do you need Kazakhstan at all?
We believe that several cities in the northern part of Kazakhstan were given to him unfairly after the collapse of the USSR. This is not about the whole of Kazakhstan, but about its northern part, besides, Nazarbayev pursued a policy aimed at ousting Russians, that is, he contributed to discrimination against the Russian-speaking population.
73. What will the National Bolsheviks do, after the revolution, with the entire criminal regime?
The mildest measure for major officials and a number of figures is life-long lustration (a ban on the right to work in the legislative and executive branches), but this, of course, is not enough. A number of government officials will be prosecuted for corruption, embezzlement of the budget and other crimes.
74. Why does the party have autonomous control of cells and why not make control more from the center?
We are for the manifestation of the maximum initiative on the ground. We need independent leaders in the regions who are able to think with their own heads, ready to make decisions and bear responsibility for them.
75. How do you feel about the ideas of anarcho-communism and eco-anarchism?
The ideas of statelessness, lack of leadership, and the complete absence of hierarchy are alien to the National Bolsheviks. There are brave, worthy people among the anarchs, but our ideas are different. However, this does not mean that we are rabid statists, the state should be present where it is useful for the majority of citizens. In addition, anarchists reject nationalism and advocate a mixture of nationalities. We consider healthy nationalism and the preservation of our national identity as a natural phenomenon.
As for eco-anarchists, we have a positive attitude towards the protection of nature, but it is not necessary to combine this with anarchism.
76. Have the features of the commune of the old Limonov party with sexual comfort been preserved?
The notorious “sexual comfort” (a phrase from Limonov’s book) is not an element of the way of life of the National Bolsheviks, just as the presence of communes is not mandatory. Yes, and before it was not, by and large.
77. Are family-dacha-career still anti-symbols of a party member?
No, no one in the party is forbidden to have a family, money and other material benefits, while not forgetting about party tasks.
78. Is there a methodological basis for creating small groups, their educational program?
Our main educational program is the maximum involvement of activists in the activities of the organization, that is, specific practical deeds. You can study theory as much as you like, arrange round tables and seminars, study fashionable crap like NLP, but if at the same time a person cannot take time off from work to go to a rally, then all these trainings are worthless.
79. Attitude towards Marxism, dialectical materialism
Marxism in the period of its appearance was a fairly progressive doctrine, and to some extent it remains today, but the National Bolsheviks do not follow this doctrine as fundamental. Marxism is good for analyzing certain political and economic processes, such as the global financial crisis, but many of the provisions of classical Marxism are outdated today, society has changed, like the working class itself.
We do not consider Marxism as a fundamental doctrine, but as a purely historical method. The problem of Marxism lies in the fact that in Soviet times it turned from a method into a dogma and became completely clumsy. In addition, dialectical materialism is very interesting as a philosophical direction and answers the questions of history better than its opposite, metaphysics.
80. Policy in the field of culture in general and in the field of protection of cultural heritage in particular
In terms of culture, the National Bolsheviks put forward the slogan “culture should grow like a wild tree, and we are not going to cut it”, i.e. culture should develop freely, without restrictions, this will give her momentum for development.
The historical cultural heritage must be preserved, which is one of the functions of the state in domestic politics.
81. How do you feel about Alexander Dugin and Eurasianism?
As for smart people who lack action and will. The Eurasian Youth Union could have been an interesting organization, but it was swallowed up by the circles and the lack of bright actions.
82. Why are the National Bolsheviks often called fascists?
People are accustomed to calling fascists those they don’t like, this is not a new phenomenon. Despite the sympathy of some National Bolsheviks for the activities of fascist, Falangist and other similar organizations “The Other Russia E.V. Limonov” is not a fascist organization – we honor the feat of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War. May 9 is our holy day. But this does not prevent us from studying the experience of their activities and adopting individual practices and provisions that may be useful to us. Similar work is carried out in the left direction.
83. What is your attitude towards libertarianism?
An extremely bourgeois ideology that we do not support.
84. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the renaming of Soviet place names?
It is negative, because the authorities are doing everything to erase the memory of the revolutionary past and prove to society that the revolution is terrible.
85. What does the concept of freedom mean for the National Bolshevik, what meaning does he put into it?
Individual freedom is one of the basic values of the National Bolsheviks. We stand for both the basic set of democratic freedoms (voting rights, individual freedom, freedom of opinion, etc.), and for a deeper liberation of a person (liberation from the routinization of life, from philistine prejudices, from the cult of consumption)Historically, in Russia, the authorities pay too little attention to people, to the disclosure of their personal qualities, which is possible only in a free society. Even the Bolsheviks, whom we have a generally positive attitude towards, ended up giving priority to a strong state over a free person (although these concepts should go together). As a result, when the Soviet state reins weakened, people weaned from true freedom plunged into a new dope – a capitalist “paradise”, which many mistook for freedom. We intend to liberate man in every possible way. However, one of the slogans of the National Bolsheviks is “Nation and Freedom”. The nation walks alongside freedom, even ahead of freedom. This means that human rights and personal development should not go against the public interest. A nation without freedom is totalitarianism, but freedom without a nation is a direct road to degradation.
86. Do the National Bolsheviks support the creation of a new Constitution in Russia?
At the moment we do not put forward this task. The National Bolsheviks believe that it is first necessary to change oligarchic capitalism to socialism, and the constitution is a matter of dozens.
87. The attitude of the National Bolsheviks towards Kurginyan, the left guards and their supporters.
The attitude is negative. The leftists and other guardians seek to equate almost any protest activity with “the intrigues of the West”. They believe that a Russian person is so stupid and worthless that he can speak out for his rights and against the System only at the behest of overseas puppeteers, and not based on his convictions. In most cases, guarding is a form of Russophobia, contempt for one’s own people
88. Will the National Bolsheviks, having taken power, fulfill my dream of the birth of a new person (generation), as free as possible from the false values of modern society, which humiliate and enslave a person and hinder his development? Otherwise, is there any point?
Of course, society must be changed, but this can be done in two ways – by force and by evolution. It is dangerous to build a society based on other values through violence, which was shown by Soviet practice. In Soviet times, they tried for 70 years to create a new person, and in the end, the case ended in failure.
It is necessary to introduce new values into people, to change their mentality with the help of non-violent propaganda. Human development should be given special importance, because the goal of our revolution is to change society, otherwise there is no point in carrying it out. In particular, it is necessary to develop the sports sector and promote a healthy lifestyle. There are many idealists in Russia, and we will listen to their opinion.
89. Tell us about your attitude to the tactics of power struggle like what Breivik did.
Breivik’s act is a sad result of the national policy of European countries, which, by launching an unlimited flow of migrants into the country, provoke nationalist-minded people to such actions. We agree that migration must be limited, since these people often do not comply with the customs of a given state, live on social benefits, or rather on the taxes of working citizens, that is, engage in social parasitism.
However, the very format of the struggle he has chosen is detrimental and harmful to politics, and we have never supported actions like those made by Breivik.
91. What kind of music do the National Bolsheviks listen to?
Cheerful and scary
92. What books by Limonov should be read for the first acquaintance with your movement?
“Another Russia, outlines of the future”, “Sacred monsters”, “Anatomy of a hero.” “Grandfather. A novel of our time”
93. Your movement has many decades. Why didn’t you win?
Therefore, throughout the history of the movement, we have been the main repressed political force in the country. Not only the central leadership of the party, but also the National Bolsheviks in the regions are being persecuted, not only in searches, detentions and criminal cases, but also in political assassinations.
94. Are you interested in your attitude to the personality of Adolf Hitler, and to the very idea of National Socialism?
The attitude towards Adolf Hitler is negative, like all healthy people whose grandfathers fought the Nazis on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War. At the same time, it must be admitted that as a leader and as an orator, Hitler was certainly talented. If he was a genius, as some believe, then, of course, an evil genius, who ultimately brought only grief and suffering to his and other peoples.
We are partly interested in the idea of National Socialism, although it is worth noting that the German National Socialists had different ideologists – there were Nazis who were hostile to Hitler (the same Strasser brothers), whose ideas we treat normally. The founder of National Bolshevism N.V. Ustryalov has a good book “German National Socialism”, just dedicated to this issue.
95. It is interesting how the DR relates to the nature of animals and their protection (all aspects), like real patriots with love or with macho pathos like some rightists, like music is not a thing.
We treat the protection of animals normally, if it does not turn into open schizophrenia.
96. Will the National Bolsheviks, if they have power in the country, strive to build a classless society?
The National Bolsheviks do not aim to equalize everyone socially, but we are in favor of the liquidation of the big bourgeoisie (oligarchy) as a class. Hierarchy and competition on a moderate scale are natural phenomena. We stand for equality of social opportunities, not social status.
97. Your attitude towards Alexei Navalny
Alexei Navalny is an ambiguous figure. It must be admitted that he opened a new page in Russia in the use of Internet technologies to expose corruption and mobilize protest citizens, becoming a real find for many who had not previously been interested in political life.
For a long time, Alexey avoided foreign policy issues – for example, he constantly moved from the topic to the question of whose Crimea. Not aimed at a Western audience. But then he broke loose and entered into an obvious conglomerate with foreign intelligence services. He was not forgiven for this back in 2020. The disclosure of the personal data of the special services is something that the old “chekists” at the top, veterans of the KGB, could not ignore. And now Alexei Anatolyevich will be completely trampled, war time.
We don’t want Navalny to win, but we respect his tenacity in prison.
98. What is Limonov’s Other Russia about the free sale of self-defense weapons?
Positively. Any mentally healthy citizen of Russia should have the right and opportunity to defend himself, his honor, family and home. We are convinced that the Russians are no worse than, for example, the Moldovans or the Balts (in their countries there is already a free distribution of weapons of self-defense)
99. Do you allow a violent change of power?
At the moment, this is impossible, and even undesirable, but if the country is overwhelmed by chaos and lawlessness caused by the degradation of the regime, if a “war of all against all” begins, we will not be pacifists.
100. What to do with the regions?
In Russia, there is an unprecedented over-urbanization for the whole world – the accumulation of people in just one city (capital). The country’s budgetary policy is structured in such a way that Moscow’s budget is disproportionately high. A situation has arisen when it is unprofitable for capitalism, for example, to develop the Tver region, Khabarovsk Territory or Chuvashia – more than 2/3 of Russian regions are not interested in big business. Why invest in the development of Blagoveshchensk or Pskov? Inconvenient logistics, no significant natural resources, but there is a poor population who are not at all able to buy a lot of consumer junk and at the same time do not want to work for a penny, like guest workers.
It is necessary to “de-Muscovite” Russia – to move the capital to Siberia, to create new political and economic centers.
A comprehensive approach is needed to the development of Russian regions — creating incentives for reverse trends, the movement of people from Moscow to the regions (both to the capitals of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, and to small towns, to rural settlements). Agriculture, first of all, should be focused on the domestic market, the priority should be the food security of the country
There are three questions:
1. Federalism or unitarism?
2. Attitude of DREVL to mixed (interracial) marriages.
3. Is ethnic nationalism and the definition of Russian primarily by blood acceptable in Other Russia?
UPD: 4. Multi-party system or one-party democracy of the Soviet or Chinese type?
5. Only article 282 of the Criminal Code is subject to cancellation? Or is it also expedient to cancel articles on insulting honor and dignity, insulting the feelings of believers, on Holocaust denial, on false information about the activities of the USSR during the Second World War, on symbols (while maintaining responsibility for damaging historical and cultural monuments), on LGBT propaganda (while maintaining ban on same-sex marriage?
6. Do you think it is necessary to lift the moratorium on the death penalty for especially dangerous categories of criminals (apart from super-corruptionists): pedophiles, terrorists, war criminals, serial killers?
Other Russia: 1. Federalism, but there are too many national republics, it will be necessary to reduce their number 2. Attitude towards interracial marriages is calm, we are not racists, culture is important for us, not blood 3. We do not intend to define Russians by blood, this is a dangerous, bad path , but we will not be “multinationals” screaming that “no Russians exist”. 5. 282 in the current extremely vague wording, it is definitely necessary to abolish 6. The death penalty cannot be introduced under the current rotten judicial system.
Egor: How do you feel about the music of the group “December” and what do you think about their civic position?
Other Russia: we encourage our civic position. The song “We will not leave our cities” is cool.
Good day, there are three questions:
1. What is the attitude of the party to the Kurds and their struggle against Turkey, on which side are you on this issue?
2. Is it possible to buy any symbols and literature of the party somewhere?
3. What is the attitude of the party towards the personality of Kim Jong-un, do you consider him a worthy successor to Kim Il Sung?
Other Russia: 1) the Kurds are cool, for decades they have set an example of self-organization and the fight against several superior opponents at once, it’s only a pity that in recent years they have put on cooperation with the United States, this makes it extremely difficult for Russia to interact with the Kurds 2. Limonov’s books can be bought in bookstores stores, prints with symbols can be ordered here https://vk.com/nbprint 3. Kim Jong-un is, of course, a worthy successor to Kim Il Sung, stubbornly bends his line, does not bend under the West. Within the framework of the state model that exists in the DPRK, he is a worthy leader
Egor: How do you feel about the personality of Otto Strasser and his work?
Other Russia: with interest. There was something in tune with the NB ideology in the left-wing National Socialism, which was in opposition to Hitler.
Does the party operate on the territory of Belarus?
Other Russia: Active but poorly devolved