Introduction
I want to thank Meyber for translating this. You can find the original that was published in 2012 here https://vk.com/topic-55790675_28583935 along with other articles by the Other Russia organization
1. How do you feel about private property?
Within the framework of the current level of human development, we respect private property as a fact of personal and public life.
On the other hand, the National Bolsheviks intend to revise the results of privatization and carry out a gradual nationalization of the entire sphere of mining, strategically important large industrial enterprises, transport, construction, and communications. Effective business owners, in the absence of an obvious criminal loophole, will be able to become hired top managers subordinate to the people, that is, continue to manage their companies. However, you will have to part with incomes tens of thousands of times higher than average wages.
It should be noted, however, that we welcome social experiments in the abolition of private property aimed at overcoming capitalism. Those who wish to build communism “here and now” will have the opportunity to implement their plans on a certain territory, but not to the detriment of the interests of Russia and its other citizens, who are not ready for such experiences.
2. What types of membership are there in the Other Russia party?
Membership in the “Other Russia” is determined by human actions. After formally joining the party, everyone is free to determine the degree and form of their participation in the organization – from helping political prisoners and attending authorized rallies to direct action. Based on the degree of participation of a party member in the activities of the organization, his authority and position in the party are formed.
We need people with a wide variety of skills: lawyers, programmers, designers, publicists, economists, photographers, video editors, drivers, military, athletes and extreme professionals with a taste for risk. First of all, we need capable organizers, political officers. You need strong hands, a bright head, an iron will (preferably all at once).
3. What is the attitude of the modern party of Limonov to the Old National Bolsheviks?
The National Bolsheviks are the National Bolsheviks, old or new – it doesn’t matter. “Old age” is a relative concept.
4. Are there other opportunities for the Star National Bolsheviks to participate in the life of the party?
The forms of participation for the “old” are the same as for the “new” (see the answer to question no. 2).
5. Who can be considered the main ideologist of National Bolshevism in Russia?
Nikolai Ustryalov (1890-1937) should be considered the main ideologist of National Bolshevism in Russia.
6. What are the main differences with the communists?
Communists are different, so it is difficult to answer this question in a nutshell. In general, the main problem of most communists is dogma and sectarianism. Communists, having in their hands the works of the XIX century (Marx, Engels), try to explain the processes taking place in the XXI century. Meanwhile, the world is changeable, and it is no longer possible to describe the entire completeness of social processes using Marxism alone.
7. What economic policy do you consider the most acceptable for Russia?
We support the creation of a progressive socialist economy in Russia. Large enterprises will be nationalized, while small and medium-sized businesses will remain in private hands. It is necessary to abandon the WTO and strive to achieve economic autarky (self-sufficiency) in Russia. Only if the Russian economy is self-sufficient can one actively enter world markets.
In foreign economic relations, we intend to start trading operations for rubles, not dollars. This step will contribute to the elimination of the global hegemony of the American currency, to stop the humiliating dependence of the Russian economy on the globalist gentlemen.
The economic system of Russia should be focused not on banking speculation, but on a working person engaged in the actual production of goods and services. We intend to give free development to the trade union movement, which will defend the rights of workers before employers. The other Russia is the Russia of labor.
8. What caused the choice of symbols? (black hammer and sickle on a white circle)
The black hammer and sickle on a white circle symbolizes National Bolshevism. The hammer and sickle symbolizes Bolshevism, and its black color symbolizes the connection with the soil, the nation, the Russian land. The white color of the circle is the color of honor and a symbol of the purity of ideals.
9. What are the differences with the right, and are they there?
“Right” is a very vague term, just like “left”. The right-wingers can be understood as football hooligans, and intellectual national democrats, and Orthodox banner-bearers, and courtyard guys in scarves with the imperial flag.
We welcome healthy tendencies in both the “right” and “left” camps. The National Bolsheviks, within the framework of their ideology, combine adequate right-wing ideas (national justice) and left-wing ideas (social justice), while discarding the stupidity, phobias and excesses inherent in these ideologies.
10. Can you consider yourself a Russian National Bolshevik being an emigrate voluntary, but wholeheartedly supporting the ideas of National Bolshevism?
Consider yourself anyone if it makes it easier for you. We are against emigration without serious reasons (threat to life, threat of imprisonment), a person must remain faithful to his homeland and share with it both victories and hardships.
11. Is it possible for the NB to cooperate with the “leftists” in Europe, who perceive nationalism in an extremely negative way and consider themselves tolerant and multicultural in every possible way?
In modern Europe, considered by many to be an island of common sense, in fact, there are no fewer cockroaches in the head than in Russia. If you are left there, it means that you are automatically a supporter of tolerance, migrants and gay pride parades, and if you are right, then you are a defender of capitalism, the church, and sad conservatism. In such a coordinate system, there is no place for the NB.
Nevertheless, in Europe there are also sound leftists (albeit small in number), free from dogmatism. We are ready to work with them, but we would have to sort it out in Russia first. We have no time for Europe.
12 Why an empire? do you support the imperial ambitions in the style of “our tanks will stop in Prague”?
The imperial flag is used by “Other Russia” along with other symbols as a symbol capable of consolidating the people, not soiled at the same time as the modern “Vlasov” tricolor. The historical period associated with the use of the imperial flag in the history of Russia is most positively assessed by representatives of various ideological trends.
It was under the black-yellow-white that the most important reforms in the history of our country were carried out: the abolition of serfdom, the introduction of the jury. Neither liberals, nor patriots, nor communists can deny the significance of these events. It was also under the black-yellow-white flag that the Russian Empire threw off the restrictions imposed by the West after the Crimean War of 1853-55. Under this flag, the fraternal Slavic peoples were freed from the Turkish yoke.
The use of an empire is also beneficial from a practical standpoint. In regions where the National Bolsheviks, due to pressure from the authorities, cannot use other symbols, this flag is a way out.
In general, being an empire is a normal state for Russia. And “tanks in Prague” have nothing to do with it.
13. Throughout the entire existence of the NBP, there was a powerful cultural layer in the form of poets, musicians, artists (Letov, Nepomniachtchi, Kuryokhin, etc.). Concerts, gatherings, Russian breakthrough. At times it seemed that the NBP was not a political party, but a kind of underground get-together of a radical intelligentsia. Do you want to try to repeat? For Other Russia is perceived only as a watered party …
Probably, someone is saddened by the fact that “Other Russia” has a much smaller field of attraction for cultural figures than the NBP did in its time. But you cannot enter the same water twice, what was – that was. Then, in the 90s, the community of nazbols really was more of a cultural project that existed in the mild conditions of the Yeltsin mess, when for songs like “Kill the bourgeois”
Times have changed long ago, the 90s are over – being a National Bolshevik, and indeed a political radical in general, has become dangerous, so many of the cultural front figures who are accustomed to the comfort were blown away by the wind. The absence of representatives of the nonconformist culture next to the National Bolsheviks is a problem of crumbled cultural figures, too, whose real ceiling is to support the toothless bourgeois “white tape”. Hey, where are you, new dashing Letovs and Mayakovskys, respond!
14. Do you have a clear and well thought-out plan for coming to power and a further program of action adequate to the current state of affairs in Russia?
The political and social situation in Russia is so changeable that it is simply impossible to draw up a detailed plan for coming to power at the moment. As history shows, no one has succeeded in drawing up and implementing such a plan. It is an illusion that people like Lenin or Mao (for example) had a clear scenario for taking power. They just kept their finger on the pulse and were at the right time in the right place.
We have programmatic guidelines that we follow, and there are tactical goals. There is also a program of action after coming to power.
15. What to do with the black plague?
To be treated)
16. How do you feel about nationalism? and why NATIONAL Bolshevism?
The National Bolsheviks themselves are modern Russian nationalists. However, we define Russians not by blood (the ethnically “Russian” dangerous alcoholic Boris Yeltsin is not Russian for us) and not by religion (businessman from Orthodoxy Kirill Gundyaev is also not Russian for us), but by belonging to Russian culture and services to the Russian nation …
Russian is the one who considers the Russian language and Russian culture as his own, the history of Russia as his history, who has proved his loyalty to the Russian nation by deeds and does not think of any other Motherland and nation.
Ahead of the criticism of extreme nationalists who stand up for the purity of blood, we answer that the National Bolsheviks do not recognize the arriving Asian migrants or Ramzan Kadyrov as Russians (even with knowledge of the Russian language and culture, they all work not for the good of the Russians, but exclusively for the good of their peoples).
17. What is the attitude to labor migration?
Labor migration should be controlled by society. It is necessary to introduce migration quotas for professions, which determine which migrant workers are needed and which are not. It is clear that Russia needs qualified engineers, scientists, doctors, but visiting builders, loaders, taxi drivers are not needed – and there will be enough of its own men if we provide them with normal working conditions.
National Bolsheviks are against illegal immigration. We see its reason, first of all, in oligarchic capitalism itself, where business owners are more inclined to hire embittered half-slaves from abroad for a pittance than indigenous people. To counteract these processes, government regulation measures are required.
18. Many National Bolsheviks quote fascism. Are there any similarities between National Bolshevism and Fascism?
If we understand by fascism the dictatorship of corporations in one bottle with the suppression of dissent and totalitarian violence, then the National Bolsheviks not only do not quote fascism, but are its worst opponents.
On the other hand, in early Italian fascism, which was more rebellious, proletarian and futuristic, there is a lot that the National Bolsheviks liked – the cult of the superman, the education of courage, anti-dogmatism, and a bright offensive culture. Gabriele D’Annunzio and Filippo Marinetti are our people.
19. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about creating national schools?
introduction of national schools is possible on a limited scale, but the division of the entire education system along ethnic lines is dangerous, since it will contribute to the disunity of the peoples of Russia, instead of uniting them within the framework of Russian civilization. We see the solution to the problem of migrants at school in a different perspective: limiting legal immigration and combating illegal immigration will automatically reduce the number of migrants, so the severity of the problem will decrease even without creating national schools.
20. How do you feel about the current education system?
The current education system does not suit us, but what is replacing it (paid education) is even worse.
We intend to reform the education system as follows:
– To preserve free general education, to ensure access to education for all citizens of Russia. Every student should be able to study any subject without any fee.
– To dramatically increase the prestige of school teachers. The school should be taught by successful people who should become an example for students. To increase the proportion of male teachers who are able to teach male education to young men.
– Revise the primary education system. The ten most active years of life spent at the school desk are too many. Education should be faster and more realistic. In addition to scientific knowledge, it is necessary to teach survival, behavior on the street, transfer ethical and aesthetic norms, instill a taste for self-development and personal growth.
– Within the framework of school education, real military-sports training should be carried out, which allows to develop basic military skills without further compulsory military service.
– Eliminate preferential quotas for admission to universities for representatives of national minorities, everyone should be equal.
21. How do the National Bolsheviks treat anarchists, communists and other leftists?
The attitude towards anarchists is ambiguous. Usually, these are funny and honest guys, but with a mess in their heads. Anarchist society is too naive a utopia to be realized in the coming centuries. Contrary to the opinion of the leftists, people are not initially equal. We can talk about the need for equality of opportunity, but there is no equality of ability. In any “powerless” and “autonomous” society, leaders, leaders and authorities will soon appear. The same Makhno, although he called himself an anarchist, was in fact the Fuhrer of his detachment.
On the other hand, we are interested in anarchism as a personal resistance to the surrounding whore, therefore, anarchism in relation to the current KarFagen is a completely adequate view of the world.
Regarding the communists and other leftists – see the answer to question no. 6.
22. The position of the National Bolsheviks towards Ukrainian nationalists?
The National Bolsheviks stand for the brotherhood of the Great Russian, Little Russian and Belarusian peoples. We are all one big family, artificially divided by the destroyers of our common home. Reconstruction of the Slavic trinity of Russia-Ukraine-Belarus is one of our foreign policy tasks.
We see Ukrainian nationalism as a heterogeneous force. Ukrainian nationalists, free from small-town complexes, prioritizing Slavism, and not hohly, grown up in liberal incubators, are forces close to us. Other Ukrainian nationalists, who see the purpose of their existence as opposing Russia and the Russian nation, are our enemies.
It seems to us that many Ukrainian nationalists should correct their heroes. Instead of Bandera and Shukhevych, it would be better to remember Kievan Rus, when Kiev was at the head of all Russian lands. This is a colossal source of national pride.
23. Are religion (religious beliefs) and sexual orientation important for the National Bolsheviks? Or is it the main thing to fight the system?
The Other Russia party is open to people of any religious conviction. With regard to sexual orientation, we do not look into everyone’s bed, leaving such questions to everyone’s personal discretion. Nevertheless, there are no gays in the ranks of the National Bolsheviks.
As for the assessment of the activities of other movements, one must understand that completely different social forces can be based on a religious basis, both close and alien to us. But only idiots and provocateurs can make political capital on holding gay prides and other senseless LGBT antics. Those who try to create a hype around sexual deviations from the norm are unacceptable to us people, both in our own and in others.
24. Why are there fewer shares?
Considering the frequency of the “Strategy-31”, it cannot be said that the number of shares has decreased. Perhaps there are fewer stocks that you want to see. In fact, stocks are not an end, but a means. The effectiveness of a political organization is measured by more than just the number of shares.
25. Caucasian question?
The Caucasus is a powder bomb capable of blowing up Russia. The solution of the Caucasian question requires balance, accuracy, unnecessary emotions are harmful here. “Other Russia” intends to pursue a policy in the Caucasus, proceeding from the following theses:
– The republics of the North Caucasus, which are part of Russia, are its integral part. Muslim peoples and Islam are also our country. Any attempts to separate the Caucasus, whoever undertakes them, is a blow to the country, to the interests of the Russian nation and other peoples of Russia;
– Recognizing the right of Caucasians to live by their own rules on their land, we recognize the Russians the right to live in their own way on Russian territories. Ethnic crime will be suppressed. Anyone who, being on a visit, does not respect the rights of the owners, will be expelled, even though he is a citizen of Russia;
– Wahhabi (Salafi) Islam, which seeks to sever the Caucasus, is dangerous for Russia. In the Caucasian republics, it should be contrasted with moderate traditional Islam;
– The political elites on which Putin’s power in the North Caucasian republics relies are deeply corrupt, in places they are simply criminal. It is necessary to change this top, the emergence of morally pure people, patriots of Russia and their people, in power in the Caucasus. These measures will undermine the social base of the Wahhabis, who also fight against luxury and consumerism.
26. The attitude of the National Bolsheviks to drugs (alcohol, tobacco and heavy drugs). Is there a dogmatic rejection like the National Socialists?
We welcome supporters of a healthy lifestyle, among the National Bolsheviks there are quite a few of those who refuse alcohol, tobacco in their lives, and go in for sports. Self-development is an important building block of our ideology. However, in these matters, flexibility is required, so we do not copy subcultures fashionable in certain circles and do not put labels on ourselves (sXe, healthy lifestyle), we do not go to extremes.
An energetic intellectual with an active life position, keeping himself in normal physical shape, but tolerating alcohol and nicotine to a moderate extent is preferable to stamped “activists” under the slogan “Who drinks is not Russian”, who instead of brains have only a horizontal bar, a yard party and sportswear “abibas”.
27. Why is “Other Russia” not registered as a party?
After a recent change in electoral legislation, only 500 members are required to register a party, instead of 45,000 previously. This measure was taken by the Kremlin authorities in order to devalue the registration of political parties as a procedure, while real access to the elections will be carried out through the CEC filter, which will be no less strict than before. Almost two hundred micro-parties competing in buffoonery have already stood in line for free registration.
Under these conditions, the Other Russia party does not consider it necessary to play to the Kremlin’s tune, standing on a par with political freaks in line for a license from those whom we oppose. However, with a change in the political situation, our position on the issue of party registration may be revised.
28. Having started to cooperate with the left again, do the National Bolsheviks roll back?
Given the growing social tension in society, the “left turn” is quite logical. Blatant inequality and injustice, the destruction of the domestic economy after accession to the WTO, paid education and medicine, the expected severe consequences of the economic crisis make it more relevant to social criticism of the System.
On the other hand, the National Bolsheviks remain flexible in the choice of allies and tactics of today.
29. Previously, the coordinates of regional representatives were publicly available on the site, now they are not. The law enforcement agencies, I think, are already aware of the representatives, but just people who want to enter directly cannot find the coordinates of the representatives. why?
This is a minor technical point that doesn’t make much sense. With the advent of social networks, it has become even easier to find a representative of an organization in your city.
30. Why are there fewer direct actions?
Any action is only a means, not an end in itself. We change tactics based on the current situation. See the answer to question 24.
31. NB attitude to war
From a philosophical point of view, war is a natural state of society, the same as peace, not for nothing in ancient mythology the goddess of love Harmony was the daughter of the god of war Ares and the goddess of love Aphrodite. War ennobles people, awakens strong qualities in them, reveals the essence of people and things. The National Bolsheviks have always respected real warriors and have never been pacifists.
On the other hand, we are engaged in politics, not abstract philosophy. It is obvious that for Russia, as a power that endured the horrors of the Great Patriotic War and possessing nuclear weapons, propaganda for war and militaristic frenzy are too risky and ungrateful toys. In the 21st century, there are much more effective instruments of geopolitical struggle, such as economic, informational and cultural impact.
32 What should the National Bolsheviks do in the regions?
Develop a party structure. Keep your finger on the pulse – to intervene in regional conflicts between citizens and the authorities. It should be remembered that the main political events take place in Moscow, so you need to be mobile, ready to travel to the capital if necessary.
33. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the separation of the North Caucasian republics from Russia?
Negatively. The secession of the Caucasus from Russia will lead to chaos in this region, where radical Islamists will play the first violin, which is likely to be accompanied by international intervention. Do you want the Taliban or NATO to be in power in Nalchik or Makhachkala? We are not.
The really existing problems of ethnic crime and tense Russian-Caucasian relations should be solved within the framework of a single country. More details can be found in the answer to question no. 25.
Ethnically “pure” Russia within the Voronezh and Vologda regions is not the ideal of the National Bolsheviks. To glorify such a castrated Russia (albeit one hundred percent “white” and “European”) with destroyed economic and social ties, surrounded by a territory of lawlessness, is not nationalism, but rubbish.
34. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the secession of Siberia? And to the “Siberian Bolshevik Party”?
We regard separatism as a destructive trend. Those who work for the collapse of Russia (not Putin’s, but in general) are not our friends, but our enemies. With regard to the “Siberian issue”, we propose to increase the importance of this region by moving the capital to one of the Siberian cities (for example, Omsk), or by building a new capital in Siberia. This will help unload Moscow and create a second pole of political, economic, cultural and social attraction.
We do not know what the “Siberian Bolshevik Party” is. This is probably some kind of local organization of little importance.
35. What are the ideological differences between the “Other Russia” party and the NBP?
“Other Russia” and NBP were created in different conditions. The NBP was founded in 1994 as a reaction to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rampant Gaidar reforms. Accordingly, the party’s rhetoric was initially dominated by revanchist and national-patriotic notes, the desire to impose strict order in the country.
“Other Russia” was created in 2010, when the former democrats became ardent statesmen, a police state reigned, although the essence of parasitic and oligarchic power remained the same. Accordingly, it became inconvenient to attack the System from the previous positions, and anti-authoritarian theses were required.
In any case, the National Bolsheviks remain by themselves. Forms and tactics of today are changing, but the core remains.
36. How do you feel about the Communist Party?
We respect the rank and file members of the Communist Party. In general, these are worthy people, in many ways close to us ideologically in their synthesis of socialist and patriotic ideas. We have stood with the rank and file members of the Communist Party and will continue to stand together.
Note, however, that the leaders of the Communist Party inherited the worst features of their predecessor, the Communist Party. Careerism, cowardice, bureaucracy, narrow-mindedness have become the norm for these party bosses clinging to parliamentary seats. Personally, Zyuganov many times betrayed the left-patriotic idea, performing small and large services of the Kremlin.
37. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the Pussy Riot case?
The Pussy Riot hype overshadowed almost all other news for several months. Russian and world media, as well as VIPs, excitedly promoted pankushki, forgetting about hundreds of other political prisoners. Meanwhile, the Pusechek case split both society and the opposition along religious lines, deflecting criticism from the Kremlin regime’s policies.
We find it difficult to assess the Pussy Riot case. On the one hand, the National Bolsheviks have always been opponents of political repression and demanded the release of political prisoners. The course of the trial of the girls and the position of the top of the Russian Orthodox Church, which did not show Christian mercy, cause rejection and irritation in us.
On the other hand, the Pussy Riot rally in the temple is not appropriate in conservative patriarchal Russia, therefore it is insulting to millions of Russians. Disgusting and vile anti-religious campaign, launched later by supporters of punkushki. The National Bolsheviks respect the feelings of believers and do not organize their actions in churches.
38. Can minors join your organization?
Formally, according to the law, one can be a member of the party from the age of 18. However, no one prevents adequate and mature young people who have not reached this age from participating in the activities of the “Other Russia”.
39. Is the essence of the nationalism of the National Bolsheviks in the preservation of the Russian ethnos, or in its mixing with other nations of the CIS countries, like among the Eurasians?
The essence of our nationalism, of course, lies in the preservation of the Russian ethnos, but we do not dwell on the observance of the “purity of blood.” The cultural and civilizational unification of peoples around the Russian nation is our goal. “The unbreakable union of free republics has been united forever by Great Russia” – an excellent formula for interethnic relations, if you think about every word and discard clichés.
40. Are the National Bolsheviks still interested in protecting the rights of the Russian-speaking population outside the Russian Federation?
Yes, they are. For example, the leader of the Latvian National Bolsheviks, Vladimir Abel, is still one of the main defenders of the rights of the Russian-speaking population in Latvia. It was he who initiated the referendum on the state status of the Russian language. Recently Abel managed to register the party “For the Native Language” in Latvia.
On the other hand, the National Bolsheviks in Russia operate virtually underground, under the yoke of the police state, so we simply do not have the opportunity to conduct a full-fledged policy outside Russia.
41. In fact, specifically, what is National Bolshevism?
In short and simplified terms, National Bolshevism is a synthesis of social and national ideology, a striving to achieve social justice in a society based on the interests of the nation.
42. Was above, however, what is the difference between National Socialism and National Bolshevism? Isn’t the first a consequence of the second? It is clear that fascism and National Socialism are different things, nevertheless, don’t you think that people are drawn more to the “brown” than to the “red”? Thanks.
The main differences between National Bolshevism and National Socialism (in Hitler’s version) are as follows:
– Unlike the National Assembly, the NB is not racist. Belonging to the NB nation will be determined by the culture and deeds of a person, and not by the principle of blood.
– NB are guided by the interests of the Russian nation, and not the abstract “White Europe”. Talking about the greatness of the Aryans, opposing the “Eurasian essence of Russia” is bad nonsense.
– NB pays more attention to social problems of society than NS. Socialism for NB is a reality, not a formality.
– The NB honors national heroes under the red flag who fought against the Germans during the Great Patriotic War, and not the Vlasovites, Krasnov’s Cossacks and other Hitlerite minions.
As for the “brown” and “red”, it is a very controversial issue to whom the people are drawn more. Young people are more likely to be nationalistic, while the middle and older generation, especially in the regions, is more concerned about social problems, that is, the more left shies away from open nationalism. Better to say that Russia is a “red-brown” country, but certainly not liberal.
43. Which banner can be considered the main one? red flag-white circle-black lemon, black flag-white circle-black hammer and sickle, imperka, imperka with the inscription “Other Russia”?
The choice of symbols in each city is determined based on the local specifics. Recently, the National Bolsheviks mainly use the red flag with a “lemon”.
44. How do the National Bolsheviks relate to religion in general, and to Rodnoverie in particular?
Our movement is emphatically non-religious. We respect the freedom of religion of every person, as well as respect the atheistic position. The attitude towards Rodnoverie is calm, there are also Rodnovers among the National Bolsheviks.
45. Is cultural traditionalism included in the NB-ideology?
We respect the cultures of different peoples, therefore we oppose cosmopolitanism, which seeks to make all people in the world the same. At the same time, one must understand that culture should develop, not stand still. If we understand by “cultural traditionalism” a primitive copying of the customs of the past or the century before last, then this is clearly not our way.
46. What was the point of Limonov’s nomination as a candidate for the presidency of Russia? Hedgehog, it was clear that the Churov system would cut him off at the very beginning, “the end is a little predictable”
The point of Eduard Limonov’s nomination for the presidency was to challenge the authorities. From the very beginning, it was obvious that other opposition candidates would only be imitators, unable to go all the way for the sake of their ideals. Limonov and his staff believed that protest forces were consolidating around the figure of E.L., as the most solid and honest candidate, during the election period. Unfortunately, it did not happen. As a result, as expected, there was a failure – even the most allegedly protest candidate Zyuganov very quickly fell under Putin.
47. And don’t you think, with all due respect, that, in the event of its registration, collecting two MILLION signatures would be unrealistic, if only time and effort were spent?
If there were a unification of opposition forces around Limonov’s candidacy, then collecting two million signatures would be quite realistic.
48. Can National Bolshevism be considered a new branch of communism?
Historically, National Bolshevism has adapted the communist utopia to the reality of the nation state. So today the National Bolsheviks straighten all sorts of “-isms” (and communism too) to the standard of real life, so we can say that National Bolshevism is “common sense communism”, without a clinic and shizuha.
49. The NBP could be classified as anti-American, but what does the DR think about this? Is the slogan “Bayonet to the West!” Still relevant?
We are critical of the policy of the United States of America, which has assumed the role of the world’s gendarme. If this is “anti-Americanism,” then call it that. At the same time, it must be understood that until healthy, nationally thinking forces come to power in Russia itself, it is stupid to grin at the United States or try to unleash their anger on it by rallies at the American embassy.
50. What is your national policy? What methods of combating illegal migration from the CIS countries do you propose?
Our view of national policy is revealed in the answers to questions 16, 17, 25.
The methods of combating illegal migration from the CIS countries, which we propose, are quite standard and quite fit into the mainstream of the European migration policy, which is successfully operating in practice in a number of states. This is the introduction of a visa regime with Central Asian countries, the introduction of migration quotas, large fines for employers for the use of illegal labor, strengthening control over migrants by the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
51. Why did the National Bolsheviks prepare a coup in Kazakhstan? Why do you need Kazakhstan at all?
We believe that several cities in the northern part of Kazakhstan fell to him unfairly after the collapse of the USSR. This is not about all of Kazakhstan, but about its northern part, in addition, Nazarbayev pursued a policy aimed at ousting the Russians, that is, he contributed to the discrimination of the Russian-speaking population.
52. What will the National Bolsheviks do, after the revolution, with the entire criminal regime?)
The mildest measure for high-ranking officials and a number of figures is lifelong lustration (a ban on the right to work in the legislative and executive branches), but this is certainly not enough. A number of government officials will be prosecuted for corruption, embezzlement of the budget and other crimes.
53. Why does the party have autonomous management of the cells and why not make management more from the center?
We are for showing maximum local initiative. We need independent leaders in the regions, able to think with their own heads, ready to make decisions and be responsible for them.
54. How do you feel about the ideas of anarcho-communism and eco-anarchism?
National Bolsheviks are alien to ideas of statelessness, lack of leadership, and complete absence of hierarchy. There are brave, worthy people among the anarchist, but our ideas are different. However, this does not mean that we are rabid statists, the state should be present where it is useful for the majority of citizens. In addition, anarchists reject nationalism and advocate mixing of nationalities. We consider healthy nationalism and the preservation of our national identity as a natural phenomenon.
As for eco-anarchists, we have a positive attitude towards the protection of nature, but it is not necessary to combine this with anarchism.
55. Are the features of the old NBP commune with sexual comfort preserved?
The notorious “sexual comfort” (a phrase from Limonov’s book) was not a way of life for activists either in the NBP or “Other Russia”, just as the presence of communes is not obligatory.
56. Are family-dacha-career still anti-symbols of a party member?
No, no one in the party is prohibited from having a family, money and other material benefits, without forgetting about party tasks.
57. Is there a methodological basis for creating small groups, their educational program?
Our main educational program is the maximum involvement of activists in the activities of the organization, that is, specific practical deeds. You can study theory as much as you like, arrange round tables and seminars, study fashionable crap like NLP, but if at the same time a person cannot take a day off from work to go to a rally, then all these trainings are worthless.
58. Do you plan on serious work in the long term?
Yes
59. Attitude towards Marxism, and dialectical materialism
Marxism at the time of its appearance was a fairly progressive doctrine, and to some extent it remains today, but the National Bolsheviks do not follow this doctrine as fundamental. Marxism is good for analyzing certain political and economic processes, such as the global financial crisis, but many of the provisions of classical Marxism are outdated today, society has changed, like the working class itself.
We do not regard Marxism as a fundamental teaching, but as a purely historical method. The problem with Marxism is that in the Soviet era it turned from a method into a dogma and became completely clumsy. In addition, dialectical materialism is very interesting as a philosophical trend and better answers the questions of history than its opposite – metaphysics.
60. Policy in the field of culture in general and in the field of protection of cultural heritage in particular,
The National Bolsheviks in terms of culture put forward the slogan “culture should grow like a wild tree, and we are not going to cut it”, that is, culture should develop freely, without restrictions, this will give her dynamics for development.
Historical cultural heritage must be preserved, which is one of the functions of the state in domestic politics.
61. How do the National Bolsheviks feel about the renaming of the Soviet toponymy?
Negatively, because the government is doing everything to erase the memory of the revolutionary past and prove to society that the revolution is terrible.
62. What does the concept of freedom mean for the nazbol, what meaning does he put into it?
Personal freedom is one of the basic values of the National Bolsheviks. We stand for both a basic set of democratic freedoms (electoral rights, freedom of the individual, freedom of opinion, etc.), and for a deeper liberation of a person (liberation from the routine of life, from philistine prejudices, from the cult of consumption)
Historically, in Russia, the government pays too little attention to people, the disclosure of their personal qualities, which is possible only in a free society. Even the Bolsheviks, to whom we treat, on the whole, positively, in the end gave priority to a strong state, and not a free man (although these concepts should go together). As a result, when the Soviet state reins weakened, people who had become unaccustomed from true freedom plunged into a new intoxication – the capitalist “paradise”, which many took for freedom.
We intend to emancipate a person in every possible way. However, one of the slogans of the National Bolsheviks is “Nation and Freedom”. The nation is walking alongside freedom, even ahead of freedom. This means that human rights and personal development should not go against the public interest. A nation without freedom is totalitarianism, but freedom without a nation is a direct road to degradation.
63. Are the National Bolsheviks in favor of creating a new Constitution in Russia?
At the moment we are not putting forward this task. The National Bolsheviks believe that it is necessary to first change the government, not the constitution.
64. The attitude of the National Bolsheviks towards Kurginyan, left-wing guards and their supporters.
The attitude is negative. As the events in December-February showed, Kurginyan seeks to split people with left-wing patriotic convictions from the opposition, which is beneficial only to the authorities. Actually, we have a negative attitude towards any protection, to maintain the current regime means to aggravate the degradation of Russia.
True patriots of the Motherland can only be in opposition, it is unacceptable for them to speak at rallies in support of Putin, no matter how beautiful and correct words these steps are justified.
65. Why are the National Bolsheviks so angry all the time when they are called “National Bolsheviks” and not “Other Russians”?
Don’t be angry, we ask you not to use the abbreviation NBP in the present tense, since the party was banned in 2007 and it is not safe to mention it. Saying “natsbol” is also not always appropriate due to the pressure of anti-extremist bodies.
66. How do you feel about the internal party splits in the Communist Party (Leningrad, Moscow, Chelyabinsk cases 2008-2011)?
Completely neutral. The top of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, apparently, has a negative attitude towards alternative opinions in the party. It is believed that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, torn apart by internal contradictions, will collapse in the future.
67. Will the National Bolsheviks, having taken power, realize my dream of the birth of a new person (generation), as free as possible from the false values of modern society, which humiliate and enslave a person and hinder his development? Otherwise, does it make sense?
Of course, society needs to be changed, but this can be done in two ways – violently and evolutionarily. It is dangerous to build a society based on other values by violence, as the Soviet practice has shown. In Soviet times, they tried to create a new person for 70 years, and in the end the case ended in failure.
It is necessary to introduce new values into people, to change his mentality with the help of non-violent propaganda. Human development should be given special importance, because the goal of our revolution is to change society, otherwise there is no point in implementing it. In particular, it is necessary to develop the sports sector, to promote a healthy lifestyle. There are many idealists in Russia, we will listen to their opinion.
68. Tell us about your attitude to Breivik’s act, comment on his speech at the court, with which you agree, with which you do not.
Breivik’s act is a sad outcome of the national policy of European countries, which, by launching an unlimited flow of migrants into the country, provoke nationalist-minded people to such actions. We agree that migration must be limited, since these people often do not follow the customs of this state, live on social benefits, or rather on taxes of working citizens, that is, they engage in social parasitism.
Ideologically, Breivik is rather alien to us, we do not share his methods, but his act itself was expected, it is strange that it just happened in quiet little Norway, and not in France or Germany, where a similar problem is much more acute.
69. Interested in your attitude to the personality of Adolf Hitler, and to the very idea of National Socialism?
The attitude towards Adolf Hitler is negative, like all healthy people whose grandfathers fought against the Nazis on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War. At the same time, it must be admitted that as a leader and as an orator, Hitler was undoubtedly talented. If he was a genius, as some believe, then, of course, he was an evil genius, who in the end brought only grief and suffering to his own and foreign peoples.
We are partially interested in the idea of National Socialism, although it is worth noting that the German National Socialists had different ideologists – there were Nazis who were hostile to Hitler (the same Strasser brothers), whose ideas we treat normally. The founder of National Bolshevism N.V. Ustryalov has a good book “German National Socialism”, just devoted to this problem.
70. I wonder how the DR treats nature with animals and their protection (all aspects), like true patriots with love or with macho pathos like some rightists, it’s not music that’s the case.
We are okay with animal welfare if it does not develop into open schizophrenia.
71. The position of the party towards the expanded consciousness of substances? Tim Leary, tryptamines vs phenethylamines? Mystic. alchemy. midgard serpent …
We have a negative attitude to the use of this kind of substances, we need a healthy society. Russia is not the Netherlands, we do not need such a culture of consumption.
72. Will the National Bolsheviks, if they have power in the country, strive to build a classless society?
The National Bolsheviks do not set the goal of making everyone socially equal, but we advocate the elimination of the big bourgeoisie (oligarchy) as a class. Hierarchy and competition on a moderate scale are natural phenomena. We advocate equality of social opportunity, not social status.
73. What are the differences between NB-ideology and Strasser ideology? If they are, then, if possible, indicate the differences in views by areas: social policy and economics, national policy, foreign policy, geopolitics and government.
It is difficult to say, given that Strasser thought in different historical conditions than modern NB. We are close to the ideas of Strasserianism, its attempt to combine nationalism and socialism, as well as the orientation towards an alliance with Soviet Russia in foreign policy.
74. Whom does Other Russia see as its closest allies?
All adequate social and political forces, trade union organizations, associations of citizens who oppose corruption. In political terms, at the moment, the most important thing for us is cooperation with left movements and part of the nationalists.
75. What do you think about the Primorye partisans?
The actions of the Primorsky partisans are a response to the police chaos, the merging of criminals with law enforcement agencies. It is no coincidence that the actions of the Primorsky partisans, according to opinion polls, are assessed with understanding by the majority of Russians. This is a sad statistics for the Ministry of Internal Affairs. It turns out that the Primorye partisans are still heroes, although we do not share their methods.
76. Your attitude towards Alexei Navalny
Alexei Navalny is an ambiguous figure. Admittedly, he opened a new page in Russia in the use of Internet technologies to expose corruption and mobilize protest citizens, becoming a real boon for many who were not previously interested in political life. In this sense, his anti-corruption projects like Rospila deserve approval. You cannot deny Navalny his personal courage, his willingness to make certain sacrifices for the sake of his convictions.
Navalny’s problem is his background. Behind this promoted fighter for truth, with a physiognomy and biography acceptable to most Russians, are liberal ghouls from the 90s and other new adherents – Boris Nemtsov and Vladimir Ryzhkov, Masha Gaidar and Ksyusha Sobchak.
Alexei Navalny should oppose not only the Kremlin swindlers and thieves, but also against their mirror image – swindlers and thieves from the 90s, otherwise he risks being just a battering ram for liberal destroyers trying to return to power.
77. It seems to me that the Other Russia has abandoned the idea of NB having become more liberal, what do you think about this?
The NB idea evolves depending on the political situation in the country. There was no liberal discourse in the movement of the National Bolsheviks, and there is none, the upholding of the principles of civil freedom in today’s political climate is relevant, as well as the struggle for social and national justice.
78. And yet – how do modern National Bolsheviks relate to European values. Shall we step forward to Europe or back to the imperial fofudyu (Ivan the Terrible, the tsarist secret police, Stalin and the NKVD)?
First, the “road to Europe” is not necessarily the way forward, given how different Eurocentrists interpret it. What do they offer? To give up independence in foreign policy and to do what the EU and NATO tell us to do as difficult younger brothers. We are categorically against this approach. Russia has resources, an able-bodied population, a large territory, so it will be much more profitable for Russia to rely on its own forces.
Second, what is meant by European values? The values of freedom, welfare state, independence from bureaucratic structures? We can build this ourselves without the advice of overseas teachers. Today’s Europe is not in the best condition today, as evidenced by numerous social protests, conflicts on national grounds, etc.
Thirdly, this does not mean that we are anti-Western cavemen, and we are not going to return to the “imperial fofudia” with the NKVD and the tsarist secret police either. We regard Russia as a unique civilization in which both Western and Eastern cultures are intertwined. It is necessary to maintain contacts with the West in trade, economic and diplomatic terms, but adhere to the line of an independent policy. In addition, Putin’s power has already stepped into Europe by joining the WTO, which will have an extremely negative impact on Russia.
79. To get the right to drive a car, you need to go through a driving school and pass an exam. This is logical, because the life of at least one person, himself, depends on the driver. But to decide the fate of 140 million people, it is enough to be able to put crosses. How do the National Bolsheviks relate to the ideas of the Platonic aristocracy, that is, so that only competent, intelligent, politically savvy people who have passed intellectual and ideological tests have the right to vote?
Plato’s ideas are interesting to us theoretically, since people are really not equal in their innate abilities. It must be understood that equality of opportunity does not mean equality of social roles, in any society a hierarchy is formed.
However, at this historical stage in Russia, it is necessary to achieve not the power of aristocrats, but normal democratic freedoms – an independent court, freedom of assembly, a real right to elect and be elected, equality of all citizens before the law.
Conversations about the “revival of the aristocracy” in our time are usually conducted among the near-Kremlin leaders who argue that the Russian people are not ready to exercise their civil rights. It is argued that the Russians definitely need “effective managers” at the head, new nobles and a lordly whip. Such a position, which justifies oligarchic enrichment, is deeply disgusting to us.
80. None of the National Bolsheviks had an extreme idea to revive the NBP and act in an illegal position, and is this even possible?
No, this is tantamount to political suicide.
81. Are Ukraine and Belarus an integral part of Russia or are they still fraternal states of Russia (based on the worldview of the Russian National Bolsheviks)?
Ukraine and Belarus are still brotherly countries to us, just like the people who live in them. However, we admit that in the future we can still become a single state on a federal or confederal basis.
82. How do you feel about Mussolini and his politics?
Of all the right-wing radicals who came to power in the pre-war years, Mussolini was perhaps the most progressive and worthy of interest. However, we regard Mussolini as a purely historical figure and do not seek to apply his teaching in practice. His policy was contradictory, but still promoted progress in the economic development of the country, and there was a predominance of public goods over private ones, i.e. for the benefit of the entire Italian nation.
83. I would like to ask about the symbolism: maybe you had better give up the imperial flag, since before that it was used by the conservative-counter-revolutionary forces. And return the red flag with the lemon?
We put a different meaning in the imperial flag (see answer to question 12). The choice of symbols in each region where our activists operate depends on the local specifics and the current situation.
84. Is it worth Other Russia to create a youth organization?
There is no such need at the moment. Young people can act within the framework of the Other Russia adult organization, claiming the first roles on an equal basis with adults.
85. What is your attitude towards other indigenous non-Russian peoples? The future of Russia in a multinational state (an alliance of Russians with other peoples?)
The National Bolsheviks respectfully treat the non-Russian indigenous peoples living in Russia. Of course, the future of the Russian nation is in alliance with them. There are simply no other options. We do not want to follow the Soviet Union to break up Russia into small principalities on a national basis.
Another question is that the Russians should be the masters of the country. We are against humiliation on a national basis, first of all, of the Russian majority, whose rights are trying to restrict some advocates of “tolerance”.
By the way, the Russian Federation, according to the UN classification, is not a multinational, but a mono-national state, since more than 2/3 of the population belong to the same nationality (Russians).
86. How does “Other Russia” relate to the free sale of self-defense weapons?
Positively. Any mentally healthy citizen of Russia should have the right and the opportunity to defend himself, his honor, family and home. We are convinced that the Russians are no worse than, for example, the Moldovans or the Balts (in their countries there is already a free proliferation of self-defense weapons)
87. Guys, when is the revolution ?!
Everything has its time.
88. Does Other Russia work with proletarians? Do you have contacts with trade unions? Is assistance provided to workers in defending their interests in the workplace?
Yes, there has recently been an action in support of Volkswagen workers, and the National Bolsheviks have also taken part in various actions before. We have contacts with trade unions.
89. Why, in the middle of the 2000s, the National Bolsheviks seized the administrative buildings of representatives of the authorities, and then this practice stopped?
Because the pressure on the party’s activists increased, and after the ban, they had to look for other methods of political struggle.
90. How do you feel about “Volnitsa”? In my opinion, your positions are very similar.
We have a rather positive attitude to “Volnitsa”, on some issues we really have similarities. “Volnitsa” initially followed the path of the first National Bolsheviks of the 90s, undertaking a bold synthesis of national revolutionary and socialist ideas. However, it soon slipped into a leftist dogmatism cut off from life, close to anarchism.
91. Do you admit a violent change of power?
At the moment this is impossible, and not desirable, but if the country is overwhelmed by chaos and chaos caused by the final degradation of the regime, if a “war of all against all” begins, we will not be pacifists.
92. Is Limonov’s book “Other Russia” a program document of the “Other Russia” party?
No, the book “Other Russia” is a collection of critical lectures, the party’s program is published on the site.
93. Doesn’t it seem that the party is engaged in mouse fuss, sticking out on social networks, not paying due attention to the propaganda of the movement, in fact not standing out, and being at a low level for rebellious parties? It is clear that Eduard Veniaminovich no longer has the same agility as before, due to his advanced age.
It does not seem. Eduard Limonov takes part in campaigns, is engaged in campaigning on the streets of cities, moreover, a social network is also a form of campaigning, and as practice shows, it is no less effective.
94. When the National Bolsheviks understand that their altruism and desire to help the Russian people, nation, society, etc. This society itself does not need a fuck?
It is necessary, on the contrary. The same workers who have not received their wages need solidarity, or the Russians in the post-Soviet space need to defend their rights. You shouldn’t judge the whole nation only by a separate group of inhabitants.
95. When will the National Bolsheviks realize that sacrificing for the sake of someone is pointless, useless, unfair in the end (how much can you give your priceless heroes’ lives for those who are not worth the dirt under your nails)?
To suffer from vulgar elitism is even greater stupidity, and the National Bolsheviks sacrifice, first of all, for the sake of their convictions, the actual slogan “Yes, Death!” and says that the National Bolsheviks are not afraid to die for their views.
96. When will the National Bolsheviks give up the heresy of Ustrialov’s National Bolshevism in favor of the orthodox Leninist Bolshevism?
“Ustryalov national-bolshevism” and “orthodox Leninist Bolshevism” are terms of a century ago, which are more valuable for historians than for politicians. We are not antique dealers and we operate in a modern coordinate system.
97. When you realize that the slogan “Russia is everything, you are nothing!” Is there an essentially monstrous slogan, following which leads to the death of the Russian people, sacrificing themselves in the name of this most bloody idol in history – Russia?
Russia and the Russian people are directly interconnected concepts. It is wrong, even criminal to oppose them. The slogan of the National Bolsheviks “Russia is everything, the rest is nothing!” – this is not a humiliation of the individual, but an expression of patriotic feelings, love for their homeland. Leave the Demshiz myths about the “bloody idol of Russia” with you, they are not interesting to us.
Recall that the official anthem of the FRG today is the famous song “Deutschland uber alles” (“Germany is above everything, above all else in the world” – there are such words), which was used both under the Kaiser and under the possessed Adolf, while no one considers this song “monstrous in nature”.
98. When will the National Bolsheviks adopt new slogans such as “Only Russia, only victory!”
We ourselves will define our slogans without your prompting.
99. When will the National Bolsheviks realize that Orthodoxy is hostile to everything Soviet and Bolshevik (even if it is National Bolshevik)?
The National Bolsheviks are for a secular state, while for the equality of religious confessions. We reserve the right for everyone to determine their own attitude towards Orthodoxy.
100. When will the National Bolsheviks realize that an attempt to combine love for the old Orthodox Romanov Russia, Russia “which we have lost” with “Schubert’s waltzes and the crunch of a French roll” with love for the new Soviet Russia is nothing but schizophrenia?
We do not seek to combine the Soviet with the Romanov, we are for the synthesis of national and social justice. The National Bolsheviks honor the achievements and deeds of their ancestors who built Great Russia both under the tsars and under the Bolsheviks, but we do not seek to revive dead state structures, we do not like to delve into history at all.
Authenticity 